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With polling of the 2020 race just about concluded, former Vice President Joe Biden is in an interesting position.
Biden's national lead is large, and he has consistently led polls in states that would be sufficient to deliver him 270 electoral votes and therefore the presidency — most notably, the triad of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania.
Yet Biden's lead in Pennsylvania — 2.6 to 4.7 points, depending on the pollingaverage — is not quite big enough for Democrats to be completely confident in it, particularly given what happened in 2016, when Donald Trump won the state and the polls underestimated Trump's performance there by about 4 points. https://uroy-in-the-roulette-italydeposit-what-odds-are.peatix.com.
Biden is also either narrowly ahead or about tied in polls of another set of swing states that he doesn't even need to win: Florida, North Carolina, Arizona, Georgia, Iowa, Ohio, and Texas.
But in these states where Biden does lead, his leads are small (one to three points in polling averages). The others are pure toss-ups. If Trump sweeps these states or comes close to doing so, Biden really does need to hang on to Pennsylvania.
Still, it's hard to point to many bad signs in the final polls for Biden. He's clearly the favorite, with a 9 in 10 chance of winning, according to FiveThirtyEight. Indeed, if the polls are underestimating Biden's strength by just 2 points, he'd win all the swing states listed above, and finish up with a 400+ electoral vote landslide.
And yet due to the Electoral College, Biden's leads are not yet quite big enough to dismiss Trump's path to victory entirely. To get 270 votes, Trump needs to come out on top in nearly all the toss-up states, and snag Pennsylvania as well.
Trump probably needs to win Pennsylvania to have a shot at victory
To get a sense of where the polls are, let's start off with a scenario where Biden and Trump each win everywhere they're up by four percentage points or more, according to the FiveThirtyEight polling averages.
In this scenario, Biden would win the states Hillary Clinton won in 2016, plus Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. That would be enough for him to win the presidency without needing any of the toss-up states that polling averages show being closer (depicted in gray on this map).
So Trump very much needs to find weak spots in this map. And, understandably, he's focused on the same weak spots that were in Democrats' 'blue wall' in 2016 — Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania.
The final polls showed Hillary Clinton winning all three of those states, but Trump won them all instead, each by a margin less than 1 percentage point. However, Biden's poll leads in each state are bigger than Clinton's leads were in 2016.
In, Michigan and Wisconsin, Biden leads by about 8 percentage points in the FiveThirtyEightaverages. The RealClearPoliticsaverages show it a bit closer, with Biden's lead at 5 to 6 points in each. But basically, Trump has to hope for a fairly large polling miss to put him in contention in either states.
Video: Obama compares Trump to a 'two-bit dictator' (Associated Press)
Pennsylvania Slime the world! mac os. , however, is a bit of a different story. FiveThirtyEight places Biden's lead there at 4.7 percentage points, while it has dropped in RealClearPolitics to 2.6 percentage points. The point is, Pennsylvania appears to be closer than Michigan or Wisconsin. It's also the biggest of the three states, with 20 electoral votes at stake.
So if something were to go wrong for Joe Biden, it would probably entail a loss in Pennsylvania. Conversely, if Biden wins Pennsylvania, he's likely won the presidency as well.
Trump would also need to win nearly all the toss-up states
Let's return to this map, of states where each candidate is leading by four points or more in FiveThirtyEight's averages, and focus on another takeaway: Trump is only up to 125 electoral votes in it, less than half the number he needs for victory.
So to get anywhere even close to winning, Trump needs to win the vast majority of votes in the toss-up states — those where neither candidate is ahead by four points or more. And the bigger the state is here, the more important it is for Trump's math.
Texas, with 38 electoral votes at stake, is clearly the most important. But FiveThirtyEight shows Trump ahead by a mere 1.1 percentage points in the traditionally Republican state, and RealClearPolitics shows Trump up by 1.2. Trump absolutely cannot afford to lose this one.
Florida, with 29 electoral votes, is also essentially a must-win state for Trump. Here, FiveThirtyEight shows Biden with a 2.5 percentage point lead, while RealClearPolitics shows it a bit closer, with Biden up by 1.8 points.
But there's more.
- Ohio has 18 electoral votes, and it's quite close (Trump up by 0.8 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 1.4 per RealClearPolitics).
- The same is true for Georgia and its 16 electoral votes (Biden up by 1.2 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 0.2 per RCP).
- And there's also North Carolina with 15 electoral votes (Biden up 1.8 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 0.2 per RCP).
- Iowa's 6 electoral votes are only likely to be decisive in a very close contest, but it certainly doesn't help Trump if he loses them, and he's only up by about 1.4 in bothaverages.
So let's say Trump pulls it out in all these states — Texas, Florida, Ohio, Georgia, North Carolina, and Iowa. Let's give him Pennsylvania and the lone electoral vote in Maine's second district, too. Then the election comes down to the one state remaining: Arizona and its 11 electoral votes.
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Arizona is another traditionally Republican state, but it's been one of the strongest of this group of swing states for Biden (though it's still quite close)— Biden leads by 2.6 percentage points there per FiveThirtyEight, and by 0.9 per RealClearPolitics.
So, interestingly, Arizona could be a 'Plan B' for Biden if he loses Pennsylvania. Winning it would give Biden 270 electoral votes, exactly what he needs to win — though he'd have to hold on to Nebraska's second district (which Trump won last time but where polls show Biden leading this time), and to prevent any defections from faithless electors. (If neither candidate gets to 270 electoral votes, the election will be determined by votes of state delegations in the new House of Representatives in January — and it's unclear which party will control more of those.)
Meanwhile, if Trump flips Arizona in addition to Pennsylvania, here's his victory map:
You can see Trump has little room for error. Of the toss-up states, he can afford to lose Iowa, but if he loses any others, he'll have to make up for those losses by plucking away more states where Biden leads by a lot (like Wisconsin or Michigan).
Dodge The Boxes: 2016 Us Presidential Election Edition Mac Os Version
How different is this from 2016's final polls?
This roundup may be giving you a sense of déjà vu — since the polls just before the 2016 election also found that the Democratic candidate looked to be ahead in enough states that would deliver victory.
There has been muchdigitalink spilled about how 2020 is not 2016, and there are indeed many differences. This time around, Biden is leading by more nationally than Clinton was. Polls also show Biden leading in more swing states, usually by bigger margins, as compared to Clinton. Biden tends to top 50 percent in more state polls as well, since there are fewer undecided and third-party voters. Analysts with access to non-public polling of congressional districts report it generally looks good for Biden. Babestation (demo) mac os.
Yet there is one similarity: in the likely tipping point state, Pennsylvania, FiveThirtyEight's average puts Biden ahead by 4.7 percentage points — and it had shown Hillary Clinton ahead by 3.7 percentage points. (Trump won by 0.7.)
There is no reason to necessarily expect the mistakes of 2016 to be repeated. Polling error could also underestimate Biden's strength. And remember that Pennsylvania alone wouldn't be enough — Trump probably needs to win all of Florida, North Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, and Texas as well. Overall, though, this is why Biden looks to be in a strong position — but there is still just a hint of doubt about what will transpire.
Dodge The Boxes: 2016 Us Presidential Election Edition Mac Os Sierra
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Video: Obama compares Trump to a 'two-bit dictator' (Associated Press)
Pennsylvania Slime the world! mac os. , however, is a bit of a different story. FiveThirtyEight places Biden's lead there at 4.7 percentage points, while it has dropped in RealClearPolitics to 2.6 percentage points. The point is, Pennsylvania appears to be closer than Michigan or Wisconsin. It's also the biggest of the three states, with 20 electoral votes at stake.
So if something were to go wrong for Joe Biden, it would probably entail a loss in Pennsylvania. Conversely, if Biden wins Pennsylvania, he's likely won the presidency as well.
Trump would also need to win nearly all the toss-up states
Let's return to this map, of states where each candidate is leading by four points or more in FiveThirtyEight's averages, and focus on another takeaway: Trump is only up to 125 electoral votes in it, less than half the number he needs for victory.
So to get anywhere even close to winning, Trump needs to win the vast majority of votes in the toss-up states — those where neither candidate is ahead by four points or more. And the bigger the state is here, the more important it is for Trump's math.
Texas, with 38 electoral votes at stake, is clearly the most important. But FiveThirtyEight shows Trump ahead by a mere 1.1 percentage points in the traditionally Republican state, and RealClearPolitics shows Trump up by 1.2. Trump absolutely cannot afford to lose this one.
Florida, with 29 electoral votes, is also essentially a must-win state for Trump. Here, FiveThirtyEight shows Biden with a 2.5 percentage point lead, while RealClearPolitics shows it a bit closer, with Biden up by 1.8 points.
But there's more.
- Ohio has 18 electoral votes, and it's quite close (Trump up by 0.8 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 1.4 per RealClearPolitics).
- The same is true for Georgia and its 16 electoral votes (Biden up by 1.2 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 0.2 per RCP).
- And there's also North Carolina with 15 electoral votes (Biden up 1.8 per FiveThirtyEight, Trump up by 0.2 per RCP).
- Iowa's 6 electoral votes are only likely to be decisive in a very close contest, but it certainly doesn't help Trump if he loses them, and he's only up by about 1.4 in bothaverages.
So let's say Trump pulls it out in all these states — Texas, Florida, Ohio, Georgia, North Carolina, and Iowa. Let's give him Pennsylvania and the lone electoral vote in Maine's second district, too. Then the election comes down to the one state remaining: Arizona and its 11 electoral votes.
Dodge The Boxes: 2016 Us Presidential Election Edition Mac Os Catalina
Arizona is another traditionally Republican state, but it's been one of the strongest of this group of swing states for Biden (though it's still quite close)— Biden leads by 2.6 percentage points there per FiveThirtyEight, and by 0.9 per RealClearPolitics.
So, interestingly, Arizona could be a 'Plan B' for Biden if he loses Pennsylvania. Winning it would give Biden 270 electoral votes, exactly what he needs to win — though he'd have to hold on to Nebraska's second district (which Trump won last time but where polls show Biden leading this time), and to prevent any defections from faithless electors. (If neither candidate gets to 270 electoral votes, the election will be determined by votes of state delegations in the new House of Representatives in January — and it's unclear which party will control more of those.)
Meanwhile, if Trump flips Arizona in addition to Pennsylvania, here's his victory map:
You can see Trump has little room for error. Of the toss-up states, he can afford to lose Iowa, but if he loses any others, he'll have to make up for those losses by plucking away more states where Biden leads by a lot (like Wisconsin or Michigan).
Dodge The Boxes: 2016 Us Presidential Election Edition Mac Os Version
How different is this from 2016's final polls?
This roundup may be giving you a sense of déjà vu — since the polls just before the 2016 election also found that the Democratic candidate looked to be ahead in enough states that would deliver victory.
There has been muchdigitalink spilled about how 2020 is not 2016, and there are indeed many differences. This time around, Biden is leading by more nationally than Clinton was. Polls also show Biden leading in more swing states, usually by bigger margins, as compared to Clinton. Biden tends to top 50 percent in more state polls as well, since there are fewer undecided and third-party voters. Analysts with access to non-public polling of congressional districts report it generally looks good for Biden. Babestation (demo) mac os.
Yet there is one similarity: in the likely tipping point state, Pennsylvania, FiveThirtyEight's average puts Biden ahead by 4.7 percentage points — and it had shown Hillary Clinton ahead by 3.7 percentage points. (Trump won by 0.7.)
There is no reason to necessarily expect the mistakes of 2016 to be repeated. Polling error could also underestimate Biden's strength. And remember that Pennsylvania alone wouldn't be enough — Trump probably needs to win all of Florida, North Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, and Texas as well. Overall, though, this is why Biden looks to be in a strong position — but there is still just a hint of doubt about what will transpire.
Dodge The Boxes: 2016 Us Presidential Election Edition Mac Os Sierra
866-295-4143, fbns@wayoflife.org
BAPTISM NECESSARY FOR SALVATION
Lucado is pastor of the Oak Hills Church of Christ in San Antonio, Texas. In June 1997, I talked with Lucado on the phone as well as with Elder Doyle Jennings of the Oak Hills Church. Both stated that they believe that baptism is necessary for salvation, but they do not believe in 'baptismal regeneration.'
Thus we see that they have added baptism to the grace of Christ for salvation. This is standard Church of Christ error, and it is a very serious matter for it constitutes a false gospel.
Lucado has never renounced Church of Christ heresy and has maintained a close relationship with Pepperdine University and Abeline Christian University, both staunch Church of Christ institutions. A Pepperdine spokesman told Dennis Costella, editor of Foundation magazine, that Lucado has been featured seven times at Pepperdine lectureships (Foundation, March-April 2000). Costella was in a unique position to judge these things because he grew up in the Church of Christ and graduated from Pepperdine before repenting of Church of Christ heresies.
ETERNAL SECURITY NOT AN ISSUE
Elder Jennings said he does not accept the doctrine of eternal security, while Lucado said this doctrine is not an issue in the church and elders and people are free to accept it or reject it. This is very telling since a proper understanding of salvation results in eternal security for the believer. Those who believe a born again child of God can lose his salvation simply do not understand the gospel.
Consider the following biblical truths about salvation. These could be greatly enlarged.
1. Salvation cannot be lost because it is a free gift of God's grace that cannot be mixed with works (Eph. 2:8-10; Tit. 3:3-8; Rom. 3:19-24; 4:4-6; 11:6). A gift means I receive something I do not earn; it refers to something that it absolutely free and unmerited. How can a gift be taken away? If it can be taken away, it ceases to be a gift!
2. Salvation cannot be lost because it is by imputation and substitution (2 Cor. 5:21; Gal. 2:20; Heb. 9:10; Rom. 4:5). Salvation is an exchange. Christ takes the believing sinner's place in condemnation, and the believer takes Christ's place in righteousness. Christ imparts to the sinner something he does not have and does not deserve (righteousness). That is the meaning of the term 'justification.' It means that the believing sinner is declared righteous on the basis of Christ's atonement. How can such a thing be lost?
3. Salvation cannot be lost because it is an eternally new position in Christ. See Ephesians 1-3. The phrase 'in Christ' is used 25 times. The theme of those chapters is the believer's position in Christ. In contrast, Ephesians 4-6 describe the believer's walk in this world. The term 'walk' is used nine times in those chapters. This teaches us the important truth that salvation is a matter of position and practice, relationship and fellowship, union and communion, standing and state. The believer's position and relationship with Christ is eternally secure the moment he is born again into God's family, whereas his practice and fellowship change according to how he lives. The believer is a child of God forever though he might not be walking in sweet fellowship every day of his earthly sojourn. See Eph. 4:1, 30; 5:1, 3, 8, where this teaching is described.
4. The blessings of salvation cannot be lost because of the teaching of election. Election does not destroy human responsibility (2 Th. 2:10-13; also compare Acts 13:46 with Acts 13:48). But divine election does promise security for the believer (Rom. 8:28-39). Predestination is not God choosing only some to be saved; it is God choosing the destiny of those who are saved (Rom. 8:29). Election guarantees glorification (Rom. 8:30) and promises that there will be no condemnation (Rom. 8:31-34; 1 Pet. 1:2-5).
5. Salvation cannot be lost because of the value of Christ's blood (Rom. 3:24-25). The term 'redeemed' refers to the price that was paid for our salvation. It describes the purchase of a slave and the setting free of that redeemed slave to serve the new loving Master. The term 'propitiation' also refers to the price of salvation. It refers to the satisfaction of a debt or the price that is paid for the slave. 1 Corinthians 6:20 says we are bought with a price. 1 Peter 1:18-19 says the price was the blood of Christ, which is precious, meaning valuable. Romans 5:20 teaches that the price paid is much greater than the debt. If I can lose my salvation, it means that the price paid for it was not sufficient, that I must add something to it and if I do not add my part, I will be lost. Such a teaching greatly devalues the blood of Christ.
The doctrine of eternal security is the natural result of a right understanding of the gospel of salvation.
DOCTRINE NOT VERY IMPORTANT
In my phone conversation with Max Lucado and with Elder Jennings, I got the distinct impression that doctrine was not very important to them. After I hung up the phone from talking with Lucado, I wrote the following summary of my observations:
'Lucado said he represents a ‘movement of grace' in the Churches of Christ, ‘a move away from legalism.' I sense that we are seeing a movement away from the older rigid doctrinal positions of the various denominations by the younger men who have taken charge. I saw another example of this in a recent article in Charisma magazine about the United Pentecostal Church. It said some of the younger men are not satisfied with the past legalism and are willing to modify some of the finer points of their doctrinal position for the sake of ecumenism. Even the cults are joining in this movement, represented by the Worldwide Church of God. These new leaders are ecumenical and make no great issue of doctrine. Finer points of doctrine are meaningless. That is why something as important as eternal security is a non-issue with them. IT IS BECOMING INCREASINGLY MORE DIFFICULT TO PINPOINT THE HERESY OF HERETICAL CHURCHES. THE EASY-GOING, DOCTRINALLY-GENERIC CHURCH IS BECOMING THE NORM' (David Cloud, June 9, 1997).
ECUMENISM
Lucado holds an unscriptural view of Christian unity that is helping to break down the walls of separation between truth and error and that is preparing the way for the building of a one-world apostate 'church.'
Lucado helped organize an ecumenical alliance of pastors in his hometown, which had grown to more than 100 some years back. The pastors were learning to 'put away differences' in order to deepen personal relationships. The alliance includes women pastors, charismatics, and others. Cindy Daniel, for example, is co-pastor with her husband of Expect a Miracle Church. Newman Dollar, pastor of City View Christian Fellowship, who, with Lucado, was one of the founders of this ecumenical fellowship, told the San Antonio Express-News (Feb. 19, 2000) that he wants to see more pastors from Catholic churches participating.
Lucado was a signer of the deceptive 'The Gift of Salvation' agreement between evangelicals and Catholics in November 1997. This declaration was also known as 'Evangelicals and Catholics Together II.' We exposed the danger and error of this statement in the article 'Evangelicals and Catholics Confusing the Gift of Salvation.' We observed that 'The Gift of Salvation' is a bland and, in the ecumenical context, insufficient affirmation of the doctrine of biblical justification. In typical New Evangelical fashion, the evangelical authors and signers omitted many things that are necessary to properly delineate the true Bible Gospel from the false Roman Catholic one. For the most part, what they stated about justification is not inherently unscriptural; THE MOST SERIOUS PROBLEM LIES IN WHAT THEY FAILED TO STATE. This, of course, is the root error of New Evangelicalism.
Lucado's unscriptural view of unity was also evident when he spoke at the 1996 Promise Keepers Clergy Conference in Atlanta, Georgia. According to Promise Keeper leader Dale Schlafer, priests, bishops and pastors were present from every denomination in America. In fact, Promise Keepers had a Roman Catholic director for a couple of years, and Catholic priests have spoken at Promise Keepers events.
Lucado's message at the Clergy Conference dealt with 'Denominational Harmony: From Bondage to Freedom.' Lucado said, 'I submit myself to the Word and there are core beliefs. However, for too long we have allowed our differences to divide us instead of our agreements to unite us.' He urged the men to subscribe to the premise, 'In essentials unity--in non-essentials charity.'
The principle 'in essentials unity--in non-essentials charity' is a smokescreen for disobedience to God's Word. While not every teaching of Scripture is of equal importance, the Bible does not divide doctrine into essential and non-essential. Timothy's job in Ephesus was to make certain that NO OTHER DOCTRINE be allowed (1 Timothy 1:3). There is no hint here that some portions of apostolic truth are 'non-essential.' Paul labored to preach THE WHOLE COUNSEL OF GOD (Acts 20:27). The man who strives to be faithful to every part of New Testament truth will find it impossible to be comfortable in an ecumenical environment. As one wise man observed, 'You will have a limited fellowship, or you will have a limited message.'
Lucado had the 40,000 men shout the names of their denominations all together. The result was confusion, of course. Lucado then asked the crowd to state who was the Messiah. The ensuing response, 'Jesus,' was heard plainly. The evident goal of this clever little exercise was to demonstrate the beauty and simplicity of ecumenical unity.
In Atlanta, Lucado claimed that 'the sin of disunity causes people to go to hell!'
He then stated: 'The step to unity is acceptance and no longer to speak evil of one another. WOULD IT NOT BE WONDERFUL NOT TO BE KNOWN AS EITHER PROTESTANT OR CATHOLIC? This is a God-sized dream and no one in our generation has ever seen the Church united.'
This is not a God-sized dream; it is the vision of the religious Harlot that John recorded in Revelation 17. Promise Keepers is confused about the church. The true church is not composed of all of the alleged Christian denominations. The focus on the New Testament Scriptures is upon the church as a local body of baptized believers organized according to the apostolic pattern for the fulfillment of the Great Commission. This is the church that is the pillar and ground of the truth (1 Timothy 3:15). To define the 'church' as the denominations of our day and to call for this hodgepodge of doctrinal and moral error 'to stand together' is utter confusion. The denominations today are more akin to the Harlot of Revelation 17 than to the church of Jesus Christ.
According to Ralph Colas's eyewitness report of the 1996 Promise Keepers Clergy Conference, 'LUCADO THEN PLED THAT EVERY CLERGYMAN WHO HAD EVER SPOKEN AGAINST ANOTHER GROUP OR DENOMINATION, FIND A MEMBER OF THAT GROUP AND APOLOGIZE. Contemporary Christian singer Steve Green then belted out repeatedly ‘Let the Walls Come Down.' The 40,000 ministers shouted, whistled, clapped, and cheered as they worked to a higher and higher pitch of emotion' (An Eyewitness Report on the 1996 Clergy Conference for Men, Atlanta, Georgia, February 13-15, 1996).
We are to apologize for warning people of false gospels and false baptisms and false spirits and false Christs and false sacraments and false mediators and false views of the church and false views of Scripture? We are to apologize for warning of sin and worldliness and compromise? I have spoken against many Christian groups and denominations, because God commands me to preach the truth AND to expose error (2 Timothy 4:1-6). I refuse to apologize for striving to obey God. By God's grace I am going to keep on exposing error until the Lord takes me to Glory. And by God's grace I am going to name names and be specific about the error and the sin so that those who have an ear will be able to heed the warning.
In his book In the Grip of Grace, Lucado thanks God for the Pentecostals, Anglicans, Southern Baptists, Presbyterians, and Roman Catholics.
Lucado is a wolf in sheep's clothing. He would have God's people ignore false teaching for the sake of unity, and that is nowhere taught in Scripture. We are to mark and avoid false teachers (Rom. 16:17) and avoid those who 'have a form of godliness but deny the power thereof' (2 Tim. 3:5). We are to earnestly contend for the faith once delivered to the saints (Jude 3), and it is impossible to earnestly contend for sound doctrine and to strive for ecumenical unity at the same time. Paul didn't seek unity with heretics; he reproved them sharply (e.g., 1 Cor. 15:35-36; Gal. 5:7-10; Col 2:8).
CONTEMPLATIVE MYSTICISM
Lucado gave his support to contemplative prayer with the publication of Cure for the Common Life. In this dangerous book he promotes the Buddhist-Catholic monk Thomas Merton who taught panentheism and universalism.
Merton was 'a strong builder of bridges between East and West' (Twentieth-Century Mystics, p. 39). The Yoga Journal made the following observation:
'Merton had encountered Zen Buddhism, Sufism, Taoism and Vedanta [Hinduism] many years prior to his Asian journey. MERTON WAS ABLE TO UNCOVER THE STREAM WHERE THE WISDOM OF EAST AND WEST MERGE AND FLOW TOGETHER, BEYOND DOGMA, IN THE DEPTHS OF INNER EXPERIENCE. . Merton embraced the spiritual philosophies of the East and integrated this wisdom into [his] own life through direct practice' (Yoga Journal, Jan.-Feb. 1999, quoted from the Lighthouse Trails web site).
Merton was a student of Zen master D.T. Suzuki and Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh. The titles of Merton's books include Zen and the Birds of the Appetite and Mystics and the Zen Masters. Merton said: 'I see no contradiction between Buddhism and Christianity. The future of Zen is in the West. I intend to become as good a Buddhist as I can' (David Steindl-Rast, 'Recollection of Thomas Merton's Last Days in the West,' Monastic Studies, 7:10, 1969, http://www.gratefulness.org/readings/dsr_merton_recol2.htm).
Merton adopted the heresy that within every man is a pure spark of divine illumination and that men can know God through a variety of paths:
'At the center of our being is a point of nothingness which is untouched by sin and by illusion, a point of pure truth, a point or spark which belongs entirely to God. It is like a pure diamond blazing with the invisible light of heaven. It is in everybody. I have no program for saying this. It is only given, but the gate of heaven is everywhere' (Soul Searching: The Journey of Thomas Merton, 2007, DVD).
Merton said that monks of all religions are 'brothers' and are 'already one.' At an interfaith meeting in Calcutta, India, in 1968, sponsored by the Temple of Understanding, Merton said:
'I came with the notion of perhaps saying something for monks and to monks of all religions because I am supposed to be a monk. . My dear brothers, WE ARE ALREADY ONE. BUT WE IMAGINE THAT WE ARE NOT. And what we have to recover is our original unity. What we have to be is what we are' ('Thomas Merton's View of Monasticism,' a talk delivered at Calcutta, October 1968, The Asian Journal of Thomas Merton, 1975 edition, appendix III, p. 308).
Merton used the terms God, Krishna, and Tao interchangeably.
In 2009 I visited the Abbey of Gethsemani in Kentucky, where Merton lived and where he is buried. Many books were on display that promote interfaith unity. These include Zen Keys by Thich Nhat Hanh, Bhagavad Gita (Hindu scriptures), Buddhists Talk about Jesus and Christians Talk about Buddha, Meeting Islam: A Guide for Christians, and Jesus in the World's Faiths.
For Lucado to quote Merton and to refer to him in a positive way is inexcusable and is evidence that he has made a total commitment to contemplative mysticism, regardless of what lame excuses he might make.
Lucado also quotes New Age mystic Martin Buber's The Way of Man. Lucado promotes Buber's New Age heresy that every man has a 'divine spark.' He further quotes Catholic 'saint' Thomas Aquinas, Eugene Peterson, and Richard Foster, the most prominent popularizer of Catholic mysticism today.
Lucado tries to package Catholic contemplative mysticism as an innocent and Scriptural evangelical practice. He even says it is not 'mystical,' but this is false as we have proven in our free eBook Evangelicals andContemplative Mysticism.
May God help us have the courage in these evil hours to honor and obey Him rather than man, to refuse to follow the crowd that refuses to follow the Bible.
'Beloved, when I gave all diligence to write unto you of the common salvation, it was needful for me to write unto you, and exhort you that ye should earnestly contend for the faith which was once delivered unto the saints' (Jude 3).
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